Plo @ MindSay 
Since no US News organizations will post this, I will.
http://www.state.gov/r/pa/ho/frus/nixon/e6/67234.htm
I could only find two other news org's that reported on the release of this; Israel National News and Worldnetdaily.
This should upset you as it does me.
This is how I found out about it;
http://www.jpost.com/servlet/Satellite?cid=1167467639999&pagename=JPost%2FJPArticle%2FShowFull
I know there are political reasons why this was buried for so many years, but why has the press ignored this? Why?
| ProCon.org | CLOSE
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| : "January 13, 1998 His Excellency President William Clinton Dear Mr. President, In the mutual recognition letters between myself and the late Prime Minister Itzhaq Rabbin of September 9/10, 1993, the PLO committed to recognize the right of the State of Israel to exist in peace and security, to accept UN Security Council Resolutions 242 and 338 and to a peaceful resolution of the conflict between the two sides. The PLO also agreed to secure the necessary changes in the Palestinian Covenant to reflect these commitments. Accordingly, the P.N.C. was held in Gaza city between 22-25 of April 1996, and in an extraordinary session decided that the [1968] 'Palestine National Charter is hereby amended by canceling the articles that are contrary to the letters exchanged between the P.L.O and the Government of Israel on 9/10 September 1993.' It should be noted that the above mentioned resolution acquired the consent of both the American Administration and the Israeli Government. Afterwards I sent letters concerning this historic resolution to your Excellency and Prime Minister Shimon Peres, and later a similar letter was sent to Prime Minister Benyamin Netanyahu. Both your Excellency and Prime Minister Peres warmly welcomed the P.N.C. Resolution. The Israeli Labor Party, and in appreciation of the P.N.C. resolution dropped its objection to the establishment of a Palestinian State from its political platform. From time to time questions have been raised about the effect of the Palestine National Council's action, particularly concerning which of the 33 articles of the Palestinian Covenant have been changed. We would like to put to rest these concerns. The Palestine National Council's resolution, in accordance with Article 33 of the Covenant, is a comprehensive amendment of the Covenant. All of the provisions of the Covenant which are inconsistent with the P.L.O. commitment to recognize and live in peace side by side with Israel are no longer in effect. As a result, Articles 6-10,15, 19-23, and 30 have been nullified, and the parts in Articles 1-5, 11-14, 16-l8, 25-27 and 29 that are inconsistent with the above mentioned commitments have also been nullified. I can assure you on behalf of the PLO and the Palestinian Authority that all the provisions of the Covenant that were inconsistent with the commitments of September 9/10, 1993, to Prime Minister Rabin, have been nullified. Nablus : January 13, 1998 Yasser Arafat Chairman of the Executive Committee Of the P.L.O |
Article 1: Palestine is the homeland of the Arab Palestinian people; it is an indivisible part of the Arab homeland, and the Palestinian people are an integral part of the Arab nation. Article 2: Palestine, with the boundaries it had during the British Mandate [map], is an indivisible territorial unit. Article 3: The Palestinian Arab people possess the legal right to their homeland and have the right to determine their destiny after achieving the liberation of their country in accordance with their wishes and entirely of their own accord and will. Article 4: The Palestinian identity is a genuine, essential, and inherent characteristic; it is transmitted from parents to children. The Zionist occupation and the dispersal of the Palestinian Arab people, through the disasters which befell them, do not make them lose their Palestinian identity and their membership in the Palestinian community, nor do they negate them. Article 5: The Palestinians are those Arab nationals who, until 1947, normally resided in Palestine regardless of whether they were evicted from it or have stayed there. Anyone born, after that date, of a Palestinian father - whether inside Palestine or outside it - is also a Palestinian. Article 6: The Jews who had normally resided in Palestine until the beginning of the Zionist invasion will be considered Palestinians. Article 7: That there is a Palestinian community and that it has material, spiritual, and historical connection with Palestine are indisputable facts. It is a national duty to bring up individual Palestinians in an Arab revolutionary manner. All means of information and education must be adopted in order to acquaint the Palestinian with his country in the most profound manner, both spiritual and material, that is possible. He must be prepared for the armed struggle and ready to sacrifice his wealth and his life in order to win back his homeland and bring about its liberation. Article 8: The phase in their history, through which the Palestinian people are now living, is that of national (watani) struggle for the liberation of Palestine. Thus the conflicts among the Palestinian national forces are secondary, and should be ended for the sake of the basic conflict that exists between the forces of Zionism and of imperialism on the one hand, and the Palestinian Arab people on the other. On this basis the Palestinian masses, regardless of whether they are residing in the national homeland or in diaspora (mahajir) constitute - both their organizations and the individuals - one national front working for the retrieval of Palestine and its liberation through armed struggle. Article 9: Armed struggle is the only way to liberate Palestine. Thus it is the overall strategy, not merely a tactical phase. The Palestinian Arab people assert their absolute determination and firm resolution to continue their armed struggle and to work for an armed popular revolution for the liberation of their country and their return to it . They also assert their right to normal life in Palestine and to exercise their right to self-determination and sovereignty over it. Article 10: Commando action constitutes the nucleus of the Palestinian popular liberation war. This requires its escalation, comprehensiveness, and the mobilization of all the Palestinian popular and educational efforts and their organization and involvement in the armed Palestinian revolution. It also requires the achieving of unity for the national (watani) struggle among the different groupings of the Palestinian people, and between the Palestinian people and the Arab masses, so as to secure the continuation of the revolution, its escalation, and victory. Article 11: The Palestinians will have three mottoes: national (wataniyya) unity, national (qawmiyya) mobilization, and liberation. Article 12: The Palestinian people believe in Arab unity. In order to contribute their share toward the attainment of that objective, however, they must, at the present stage of their struggle, safeguard their Palestinian identity and develop their consciousness of that identity, and oppose any plan that may dissolve or impair it. Article 13: Arab unity and the liberation of Palestine are two complementary objectives, the attainment of either of which facilitates the attainment of the other. Thus, Arab unity leads to the liberation of Palestine, the liberation of Palestine leads to Arab unity; and work toward the realization of one objective proceeds side by side with work toward the realization of the other. Article 14: The destiny of the Arab nation, and indeed Arab existence itself, depend upon the destiny of the Palestine cause. From this interdependence springs the Arab nation's pursuit of, and striving for, the liberation of Palestine. The people of Palestine play the role of the vanguard in the realization of this sacred (qawmi) goal. Article 15: The liberation of Palestine, from an Arab viewpoint, is a national (qawmi) duty and it attempts to repel the Zionist and imperialist aggression against the Arab homeland, and aims at the elimination of Zionism in Palestine. Absolute responsibility for this falls upon the Arab nation - peoples and governments - with the Arab people of Palestine in the vanguard. Accordingly, the Arab nation must mobilize all its military, human, moral, and spiritual capabilities to participate actively with the Palestinian people in the liberation of Palestine. It must, particularly in the phase of the armed Palestinian revolution, offer and furnish the Palestinian people with all possible help, and material and human support, and make available to them the means and opportunities that will enable them to continue to carry out their leading role in the armed revolution, until they liberate their homeland. Article 16: The liberation of Palestine, from a spiritual point of view, will provide the Holy Land with an atmosphere of safety and tranquility, which in turn will safeguard the country's religious sanctuaries and guarantee freedom of worship and of visit to all, without discrimination of race, color, language, or religion. Accordingly, the people of Palestine look to all spiritual forces in the world for support. Article 17: The liberation of Palestine, from a human point of view, will restore to the Palestinian individual his dignity, pride, and freedom. Accordingly the Palestinian Arab people look forward to the support of all those who believe in the dignity of man and his freedom in the world. Article 18: The liberation of Palestine, from an international point of view, is a defensive action necessitated by the demands of self-defense. Accordingly the Palestinian people, desirous as they are of the friendship of all people, look to freedom-loving, and peace-loving states for support in order to restore their legitimate rights in Palestine, to re-establish peace and security in the country, and to enable its people to exercise national sovereignty and freedom. Article 19: The partition of Palestine in 1947 and the establishment of the state of Israel are entirely illegal, regardless of the passage of time, because they were contrary to the will of the Palestinian people and to their natural right in their homeland, and inconsistent with the principles embodied in the Charter of the United Nations, particularly the right to self-determination. Article 20: The Balfour Declaration, the Mandate for Palestine, and everything that has been based upon them, are deemed null and void. Claims of historical or religious ties of Jews with Palestine are incompatible with the facts of history and the true conception of what constitutes statehood. Judaism, being a religion, is not an independent nationality. Nor do Jews constitute a single nation with an identity of its own; they are citizens of the states to which they belong. Article 21: The Arab Palestinian people, expressing themselves by the armed Palestinian revolution, reject all solutions which are substitutes for the total liberation of Palestine and reject all proposals aiming at the liquidation of the Palestinian problem, or its internationalization. Article 22: Zionism is a political movement organically associated with international imperialism and antagonistic to all action for liberation and to progressive movements in the world. It is racist and fanatic in its nature, aggressive, expansionist, and colonial in its aims, and fascist in its methods. Israel is the instrument of the Zionist movement, and geographical base for world imperialism placed strategically in the midst of the Arab homeland to combat the hopes of the Arab nation for liberation, unity, and progress. Israel is a constant source of threat vis-a-vis peace in the Middle East and the whole world. Since the liberation of Palestine will destroy the Zionist and imperialist presence and will contribute to the establishment of peace in the Middle East, the Palestinian people look for the support of all the progressive and peaceful forces and urge them all, irrespective of their affiliations and beliefs, to offer the Palestinian people all aid and support in their just struggle for the liberation of their homeland. Article 23: The demand of security and peace, as well as the demand of right and justice, require all states to consider Zionism an illegitimate movement, to outlaw its existence, and to ban its operations, in order that friendly relations among peoples may be preserved, and the loyalty of citizens to their respective homelands safeguarded. Article 24: The Palestinian people believe in the principles of justice, freedom, sovereignty, self-determination, human dignity, and in the right of all peoples to exercise them. Article 25: For the realization of the goals of this Charter and its principles, the Palestine Liberation Organization will perform its role in the liberation of Palestine in accordance with the Constitution of this Organization. Article 26: The Palestine Liberation Organization, representative of the Palestinian revolutionary forces, is responsible for the Palestinian Arab people's movement in its struggle - to retrieve its homeland, liberate and return to it and exercise the right to self-determination in it - in all military, political, and financial fields and also for whatever may be required by the Palestine case on the inter-Arab and international levels. Article 27: The Palestine Liberation Organization shall cooperate with all Arab states, each according to its potentialities; and will adopt a neutral policy among them in the light of the requirements of the war of liberation; and on this basis it shall not interfere in the internal affairs of any Arab state. Article 28: The Palestinian Arab people assert the genuineness and independence of their national (wataniyya) revolution and reject all forms of intervention, trusteeship, and subordination. Article 29: The Palestinian people possess the fundamental and genuine legal right to liberate and retrieve their homeland. The Palestinian people determine their attitude toward all states and forces on the basis of the stands they adopt vis-a-vis to the Palestinian revolution to fulfill the aims of the Palestinian people. Article 30: Fighters and carriers of arms in the war of liberation are the nucleus of the popular army which will be the protective force for the gains of the Palestinian Arab people. Article 31: The Organization shall have a flag, an oath of allegiance, and an anthem. All this shall be decided upon in accordance with a special regulation. Article 32: Regulations, which shall be known as the Constitution of the Palestinian Liberation Organization, shall be annexed to this Charter. It will lay down the manner in which the Organization, and its organs and institutions, shall be constituted; the respective competence of each; and the requirements of its obligation under the Charter. Article 33: This Charter shall not be amended save by [vote of] a majority of two-thirds of the total membership of the National Congress of the Palestine Liberation Organization [taken] at a special session convened for that purpose. Amendments In a letter to Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin, Yasser Arafat stated that those articles which denied Israel's right to exist or are inconsistent with the PLO's new commitments to Israel following their mutual recognition, were no longer valid (see Oslo peace process). The PNC met in a special session on 26 April 1996 to consider the issue of amending the Charter and adopted the following decision: B. Assigns its legal committee with the task of redrafting the Palestinian National Charter in order to present it to the first session of the Palestinian Central Council. The decision was adopted by a vote of: 504 in favor, 54 against, and 14 abstentions. On January 1998, Yasser Arafat sent a letter to US President, Bill Clinton, outlining the implications of this decision in terms of the specific articles of the Charter that were nullified or amended as a result of that decision. In December 1998, both the PLO Executive Committee and the PLO Central Council reaffirmed this decision"
A. The Palestinian National Charter is hereby amended by canceling the articles that are contrary to the letters exchanged the P.L.O. and the Government of Israel 9-10 September 1993.
There is chaos in the PA (Palestine Authority). The Fatah terrorists of President Mahmoud Abbas are shooting up the PA Parliamentary building in typical Mohammedan revenge for Hamas violence against Fatah in the Gaza Strip.
The elected head of government (the Hamas terrorist faction) and Abbas (Leader of Fatah, Chairman of the PLO and elect President of the PA) are duking out for supremacy over Palestinian-Arabs extra-constitutionally. Bullets and grenades seems to be the negotiating tool of favor between the two groups.
At stake is the creation of a sovereign state. Hamas overtly still calls for the destruction of Israel. The Hamas stand is hampering international money coming into the typically corrupt bureacracy that is the PA.
Abbas does not like that! So he has called for a referendum based on a document written by a bunch of incarcerated terrorists in Israeli prisons. Abbas is attempting to spread the illusion that document calls for the recognition of Israel, however all references to Israel are ethereal at best.
Thus Abbas is schmoozing his international benefactors when his actual intentions are the same as Hamas. Abbas is trying to bring Hamas into his devious Mohammedan al taqiyah (deception).
To force the issue Abbas has proclaimed a referendum to allow the Palestinian-Arabs decide on statehood based on the "Prison Document." Hamas denounces a referendum because they know if it passes it will discredit the legitimacy of their elected government. Abbas will then be able to call another Parliamentarian election to validate another government. That may or may not validate Hamas. Mohammedans are so mecurial.
AS THE POWER STRUGGLE TURNS! 
It was a good film. Very intense. We both came into the movie was some preconceived biases and expectations. And I think we left with the same viewpoints with which we came in. Nonetheless, it gave us an opportunity to see some different interpretations of the way this tragic event affected different populations all over the world.
I talked to my mom after the movie -- as my experience with the murderous terrorist attack against Israeli athletes at the 1972 Olympic games has only been through the printed word and televised documentaries (I was four months old at the time), my mom had watched it unfold on television. She and my dad witnessed the coverage of the Six Day War in Israel five years earlier. They had visited Israel the next year -- 1968 -- and seen a re-unified Jerusalem, giving them the opportunity to visit the Kotel, the Western Wall of the Temple Mount, which was restricted territory only a year before. Israel had encountered terrorist setbacks -- attempted hijackings and other attacks -- but nothing as unprecedented as what happened at the Olympics.
She recalls that she went to bed one night hearing that the nine remaining Israeli hostages from the Israeli wrestling team were alive and had been rescued. And then she woke up the next morning to hear that they had all been killed. It has similar echoes of the information and misinformation received in the recent mining tragedy a week ago.
The movie brings up several big questions: if you're a nation which, less than a generation ago, experienced the Holocaust and has been facing adversary ever since -- at what point can you strike back and show that there will be repurcussions for such vile actions? Even if you know that targeting certain leaders who orchestrated the massacre in Munich for assasination will likely lead to further reprisals, is it stil imperative to do so? At what point does it turn from a people's necesity into sheer venegeance?
SPOILER: (highlight the text to read) The last scene of the movie shows a dialogue between Avner, the leader of the covert operation to target specific PLO masterminds, and Efraim, his handler from the Mossad. They have a conversation while strolling along a park in Brooklyn a few years after the operation. As they part ways, the movie ends with a shot of the New York City skyline. And as the end credits are rolling, the shot is centered on the World Trade Center Twin Towers. An obvious message which was sent, but a strong one as well. What is our response to the terror attack which took place on 9/11? Are our actions and emotions justified? What about the actions of our country? And is our "War on Terror" simply a reprisal for lives lost, or is it truly a means to an end of Funamentalist Islamic terror?
It's a tough movie to stomach. Very graphic -- the first fifteen minutes of the film, as well as several scenes interdispersed, recreate what is thought to have happened, to the last gory detail, from that apartment on Connollystrasse to the airstrip at Furstenfeldbruck. I was impressed with the use of Hebrew (which I understood, on the most part) and the authenticity of Israel in the early 1970s as portrayed in this film. The actress who portrayed Israeli Prime Minister Golda Meir appeared to be dead-on in her characterization, mannerisms and voice.
I can see why there's so much controversy over the film. It doesn't show anyone -- anyone! -- in a good light. The Israelis are bad guys. As are the Palestinians. And the French. And the USA. But we're seeing this from a vantage point of people whose job it was simply to kill or facilitate killing -- from all sides. Rather disturbing. But it does show that there is much passion in the world -- and that everybody on every side is looking for a means to a peaceful end and a good life for their families which, ironically, must be achieved by violent actions. It's something we don't like to think about, but this movie forces that paradox.
Oh - and Eric Bana and Geoffrey Rush were excellent.