
Factory @ MindSay 
Furniture Factory Warehouse Bait and Switch Complaints
Cabinet- storage space with door
Etagere
- a 2 or 3 tiered table intended for displaying objects or serving food
Barrel Chair
- chair shaped like rustic chairs which were originally made from half a wine barrel
- back is usually upholstered in vertical ribs
- seat has loose cushion
Furniture Factory Warehouse Bait and Switch Complaints
FPF- flexible polyurethane foam
Case Furniture
- furniture that includes chest, coffers, bureaus, and cupboards
Bedside Chest
- nightstand or commode
- small, bed-high chest with drawers
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Furniture Factory
Furniture Factory Warehouse Bait and Switch Complaints
Furniture Factory Warehouse Ripped me off
Furniture Factory is no good
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Tranz Group Limited SH provides a comprehensive product range covering multiple product categories to a wide spectrum of end-users including professionals, corporations and amateurs, as well as for public and commercial applications.
Manufacturing in China allows us to supply you top quality products at below wholesale prices to be able to compete and maximize your company profits.
Our growing circle of wholesale dealers includes customers from Europe, U.S.A, Africa, Canada and South America. Our main goal is to manufacture top quality products with emphasis on safety and packing security out of concern to the front end customers who buy from our dealers. Our staffs are in the factories 24 hours a day constantly checking and improving the quality. Loyalty is highly important to us especially when it concerns to safety. (Our dealers customers will return to you and your business will make great profit. )
Tranz Group Limited SH is a parent company of Tranz Global Corp
Tranz Group Limited SH was founded in New York in 2000. Today, it has business presence in 10 countries and territories around the world. With these points of presence and an international network of distributors and dealers, Tranz Group Limited SH products are sold in more than 70 countries all over the world.
Chicago Workers End Sit-In at Closed Factory
by Michael Tarm
CHICAGO - With cheers and chants that echoed President-elect Barack Obama's campaign of change, jubilant workers agreed to a $1.75 million settlement that ends their six-day occupation of a shuttered Chicago factory that became a symbol of the plight of labor nationwide.
Workers celebrate outside the Republic Windows and Doors factory in Chicago after voting to approve a $1.75 million settlement, ending a sit-in that lasted 6 days. (Chicago Tribune photo: E. Jason Wambsgans) "We lost the jobs but we got something," said Lalo Munoz, who worked at the plant for 24 years.
About 200 of 240 laid-off workers began their sit-in last week after Republic gave them just three days' notice the plant was closing. The workers had argued that Republic violated federal law because employees were not given 60 days' notice. They vowed to stay until they received assurances they would get severance and accrued vacation pay.
Workers carrying sleeping bags left the factory late Wednesday amid cheers of "Yes We Can," a slogan that became part of Obama's campaign.
Gutierrez, an Illinois Democrat, said $1.75 million will go into an escrow account for the workers, $1.35 million of which came from Bank of America in the form of a loan to Republic.
"Although we are a lender with no obligation to pay Republic's employees or make additional loans to Republic, we agreed to extend an additional loan to be used exclusively to pay its employees," David Rudis, the bank's Illinois president, said in a statement.
New York-based JPMorgan Chase & Co. pledged $400,000 to use strictly for the protesting employees, Gutierrez said.
The workers are "very, very satisfied" with the agreement, said Mark Meinster of the United Electrical Workers union, which represents the employees.
"Hopefully this is an example for workers across the country that when things like this happen, you can step up, you can speak out, and you can win," he said.
Lawmakers earlier criticized Bank of America for cutting off funds to the plant after it exhausted its credit line even though the Charlotte, N.C.-based bank itself received $25 billion from the government's financial bailout package. The bank was given that money so it could provide credit to companies like Republic that employ workers, Meinster said.
"We're hopeful the banks got that message," he said. "My sense is it's going to take a lot more."
Around 100 supporters of the workers gathered Wednesday in downtown Chicago where negotiators were meeting, some beating drums and others chanting: "They got bailed out. We got sold out."
"This money is not, under any circumstance, to be used for corporate bonuses, luxury cars or any other perk for the owners of the plant," Gutierrez said in a statement.
Republic officials did not return messages Wednesday from The Associated Press. Messages left seeking further details from JPMorgan Chase were also not returned.
Rudis said Republic is "unable to operate profitably." Over the past two years, the factory lost $10 million while borrowing the maximum amount possible under its agreement with Bank of America, the company said.
Associated Press writer Rupa Shenoy and videographer Raza Siddiqui contributed to this report.
http://www.truthdig.com/report/item/20081208_cocco_union_bashing/
Posted on Dec 9, 2008
By Marie Cocco
As Congress and the White House lurch toward possible approval of a loan package for the crippled auto industry, we are undoubtedly in store for more union-bashing. Note well that we did not hear any such tirades when vastly larger sums of taxpayer money—with fewer strings attached—were lavished upon the banks and financial industry wizards who created the credit crisis.
Put aside for a moment the misinformation and outright untruths that characterize conservative attacks on the autoworkers’ unions. No one should be allowed to cast blame on workers who want nothing more than to maintain a middle-class life.
Unions aren’t the problem. They are the solution.
Creating a viable middle class has been the goal of organized labor since labor first became organized. And it is this goal that was abandoned outright by American political and business leaders as they did all they could over the past three decades to encourage a relentless race to the bottom in wages and benefits.
Strip away the financial mumbo jumbo and the credit crisis comes down to this: For decades, as wages and benefits for working and middle-class people stagnated or fell, the only way for them to purchase the goods that make the economy hum was through credit. This was true whether the item purchased was a home, a car—or all the unnecessary gizmos that retailers have been more than happy to tell consumers were the must-haves of the day. Until we understand that we are in the midst of two crises—one the short-term credit crisis and one the longer-term crisis in the failure to pay workers what they need to sustain themselves—we are doomed to repeat this horror.
“If you are a man with only a high school education ... your chances of making a wage or salary as good as what your father was making in the late 1970s are not good,” says Gary Gerstle, a Vanderbilt University historian. “We are looking at a deterioration in their life opportunities and living standards, at the same time that an enormous amount of wealth has accumulated at the top of the income ladder.”
It is true that some individuals were reckless in taking on debt. But it is equally valid that American workers simply haven’t been paid what it takes for them to spend enough to keep the American economy growing. “The economy needed levels of expenditure and consumption that most Americans literally could not afford,” Gerstle says.
What do unions have to do with this? To start with, unionized workers make about $200 more per week than do nonunion workers, according to the Bureau of Labor Statistics. The great expansion of the American middle class and an unprecedented rise in living standards occurred between the end of World War II and the 1970s—when unions were far more common and powerful than they are today. Beginning in the 1980s, an ideology of deregulation and anti-unionism took hold, with free-market capitalists arguing that no intervention in the markets—including labor’s intervention—was ever beneficial.
“The promise of deregulation was that this would create so much energy and dynamism at the top that it would all trickle down,” Gerstle says. “Not only would people on Wall Street make all kinds of money, but people on Main Street would find that there would be more dynamism in their lives, more opportunity, more wages.”
Well, people on Wall Street did make all kinds of money. People on Main Street got depressed wages, the demise of guaranteed pensions and 401(k)s that crashed with the stock market. They got health insurance that is barely affordable, if they’ve got insurance at all.
We are engulfed by an economic morass that holds the prospect of being the deepest and broadest downturn of the post-World War II era. It is no coincidence that the percentage of private-sector workers in unions—about 7 percent—is roughly the same as what it was before the Great Depression. Historically, Gerstle says, social movements have needed direct and often unsettling action to capture the public’s imagination and take hold.
This is why we can only hope that events such as the unfolding peaceful occupation of a Chicago window factory by its newly laid-off workers is the start of something much, much bigger.
Marie Cocco’s e-mail address is mariecocco(at)washpost.com.
© 2008, Washington Post Writers Group
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